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In order to get two of them, you first need to answer the demon girl Amus questions correctly when she visits you before you enter the castle.

After you defeat any one of the other demon generals, Amus far left door will open so you can fight her.

When shes defeated, you have the option to take her power or decline.

Taking her power is the only way youll defeat the final boss, and the power boost scales based on how many of the generals you finished off.

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The final boss riding your dick and Amu is riding your face.

I pressed it like a hundred times, I reloaded the page five times, I even tried some of your other MEGA-links to see if it was perhaps a problem with my PC, but the others all worked, just this one doesnt.

The more active Sudanese bloggers write in the English language.

There were no blocks on political or social websites reported during the coverage periodin contrast to immoral content, which remained systematically blockedwhile social media and communications platforms were freely available.

WhatsApp has become particularly popular among Sudanese, who have turned to the platforms relative privacy and anonymity to share critical news via the apps group chat function.

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Several users were arrested with the intent of creating a chilling effect online, although no individuals faced trial on legal charges.

While several restrictive laws can be applied to penalize online activities, including the 2007 IT Crimes Act, the Sudanese government introduced revisions to the 2004 Press and Printed Press Materials Law in 2015 with the aim of regulating online media and providing a legal framework to prosecute online journalists.

Mobile phone penetration declined slightly from the previous year, while technical issues with submarine cables disrupted internet access for a number of subscribers.

Internet penetration stood at 27 percent in 2015, growing incrementally from 25 percent in 2014, while mobile phone penetration declined slightly from 72 percent to 71 percent, according to the International Telecommunications Union (ITU).

In early 2016, Zain, the telecom operator with the largest market share, canceled its daily unlimited internet bundle services and instead increased prices on select data bundles by up to 300 percent.

Making matters worse, its newly introduced bundles did not deliver on advertised speeds, forcing subscribers to purchase additional data more frequently than anticipated.

Cybercafs have become less popular in recent years due to increasing access via mobile devices, as well as pervasive surveillance and policing of immoral activities at cybercafs (see Intimidation and Violence).

In 2016, many cybercafs were used mainly for printing or during emergencies.

For example, internet access was shut down for five days in the West Darfur region in August 2014, and nationwide for nearly 24 hours in September 2013 during massive protests across the country.

In separate incidences that month, the SEACOM broadband submarine cable near Egypt was temporarily cut, affecting 65 percent of Canars broadband users, while access for Sudani subscribers was reportedly disrupted for five days.

All are fully owned by foreign companies with the exception of Sudatel, in which the government owns a 22 percent share.

However, the Sudanese government holds significant sway over Sudatels board of directors, which includes high-ranking government officials.

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Emirati-owned Canar was denied a license to provide mobile services in February 2016, demonstrating the lack of competition in the sector.

The Bank of Khartoum subsequently purchased Canar from UAEs Etisalat in June 2016, after the bank used its 3.7 percent share in Canar to block Zains efforts to purchase it.

Observers believe the governments move to increase its market share of the telecom industry will have a negative impact on internet freedom for Sudanese users.

The NTC is tasked with producing telecommunications statistics, monitoring the use of the internet, introducing new technology into the country, and developing the countrys telecommunications and IT industry.

It is also responsible for deciding what content should be accessible on the internet.

Although it is a state body, the NTC receives grants from international organizations such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and the World Bank, and its website describes the body as self-financing.

Self-censorship among online journalists and ordinary users was more palpable due to fears of government surveillance and arbitrary legal consequences.

Nonetheless, social media users were active in organizing campaigns about important political, social, and economic issues.

According to local sources, the Sudanese government is in the process of establishing a new unit devoted to monitoring online outlets that may impose a similar regime of systematic censorship faced by Sudans print and broadcast media (see Media, Diversity, and Content Manipulation).

The NTC manages online filtering in the country through its Internet Service Control Unit and is somewhat transparent about the content it blocks, reporting that 95 percent of blocked material is related to pornography, 2 though the regulator recently acknowledged that it had not be successful in blocking all pornographic sites in Sudan.

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The NTC also obligates cybercaf owners to download blocking and filtering software as a requirement to sustain their licenses.

Users attempting to access a blocked site are met with a black page that explicitly states, This site has been blocked by the National Telecommunications Corporation, and includes links to further information and a contact email address.

No specific incidents were reported during this reports coverage period.

Facing heavy censorship, many print newspapers have shifted to digital formats, circulating censored or banned material on their websites and social media pages; as a result, Sudanese citizens increasingly rely on online outlets and social media for uncensored information.

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